Reading through the excellent summary by Peter Ferrara at The American Spectator, I don’t see much new or revolutionary in the GOP alternative. Much of it was offered by John McCin during the campaign. And it appears that the authors of the bill - Senators Tom Coburn (R-OK) and Richard Burr (R-NC), and House members Reps. Paul Ryan (R-WI) and Devin Nunes (R-CA) - borrowed heavily from Heritage Foundation and American Enterprise Institute ideas put forward over the years. I suppose what’s different is that the plan is pretty comprehensive and, from my viewpoint, has a chance to work if the goal is to cover those who are uninsured, allow people to keep the coverage they have, provide more choices of affordable health insurance, and reduce health costs.
I won’t attempt to summarize the entire plan here but, according to Ferrara, “The bill would assure essential health coverage and health care to every U.S. citizen, without increased federal spending and taxes, and without the federal government taking over your health care.”
Much of the heavy lifting will be left to the states as they would set up insurance “exchanges” that will be like insurance bazarrs where consumers can shop for the best plan at the best price. States would also have to set up uninsurable risk pools to spread out the costs of covering people with pre-existing conditions.
But they don’t call it the “Patients Choice Act” for nothing. Health care consumers would be in the driver’s seat:
The key to the bill is that it shifts the tax benefits for employer provided health insurance from corporations to all workers. As a result, every citizen not retired on Medicare will get a refundable tax credit of $2,300 per year for individual health insurance or $5,700 per year for family coverage. For workers who don’t have insurance now or who pay for their own insurance, that is thousands of dollars a year they don’t have today to help pay for health insurance. Workers with employer-provided coverage can keep that or use these credits to purchase their own preferred insurance instead.
This immediately shifts health care power to workers and patients, who would be the ones making health insurance choices rather than employers. All consumers would be free to choose from the full range of coverage alternatives available in the marketplace, from Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) to Health Maintenance Organizations (HMOs) to standard fee-for-service coverage with different health provider network arrangements. The consumer could choose coverage options with maximum choice of doctors and hospitals and alternative treatments and care, like HSAs, or could choose coverage where the insurer takes responsibility for managing health care in return for lower premiums, like HMOs. Workers can take the health insurance they choose with them when they change jobs, as this new system makes such insurance fully portable.
The Wall Street Journal has a bare bones summary:
Four Republicans in Congress — Sens. Tom Coburn (Oklahoma) and Richard Burr (North Carolina) and Reps. Paul Ryan (Wisconsin) and Devin Nunes (California) — will today introduce a bill that moves away from federal centralization. Aptly called the Patients’ Choice Act, it provides a path to universal coverage by redirecting current subsidies for health insurance to individuals. It also provides a new safety net that guarantees access to insurance for those with pre-existing conditions.
The nexus of their plan is redirecting the $300 billion annual tax subsidy for employment-based health insurance to individuals in the form of refundable, advanceable tax credits. Families would get $5,700 a year and individuals $2,300 to buy insurance and invest in Health Savings Accounts.
Low-income Americans would get a supplemental debit card of up to $5,000 to help them purchase insurance and pay out-of-pocket costs. They would have an incentive to spend wisely since up to one-fourth of any unspent money in the accounts could be rolled over to the next year. The combination of the refundable tax credit and debit card gives lower-income Americans a way out of the Medicaid ghetto so they can have the dignity of private insurance.
The great majority of Americans with job-based health insurance would see little more than a bookkeeping change with the Patients’ Choice plan. But implicit in the policy is the acknowledgment that our system of tying health insurance to the workplace is not working for upwards of 45 million uninsured Americans.
That’s a pivotal point in the fight over reform: Will the next health-reform bill lock in a system of job-based health insurance or allow more individual choice and portability to fit a 21st century work force?
Arnold Kling:
The basic idea is a health care voucher (like food stamps) as opposed to a health insurance mandate. This is a logical approach, one which every health care policy wonk can appreciate and support. However, it does not give government the kind of hands-on, top-down control over the health care system that the Democrats want, and hence it is a political non-starter.
He’s right, of course. The Democrats will treat this with the same contempt they gave the GOP budget alternative. This is really a shame because the last we heard, it appears that there will indeed be some kind of mandate in the Democrat’s final version that will force every American to buy into their scheme.
We are told that this is no big deal, that Americans already are forced to buy auto insurance so what’s a few hundred extra dollars out of the consumer’s pockets in order to to get everyone covered - an absolute must, experts say, if health care costs are to come down and make national health insurance work?
The problem from a conservative standpoint is twofold. First, just because one bad idea - mandated auto insurance - is accepted by the voter doesn’t mean that a second mistake should be made by mandating health insurance. Secondly the auto-insurance analogy should frighten anyone who thinks that mandating insurance for anything is a good idea:
In some respects, requiring auto insurance coverage is a poor analogy. In others, it points out challenges that a mandatory individual health insurance plan would find it hard to overcome.
There is still no guarantee that the uninsured will join the insurance pool. Despite auto liability insurance being mandatory in almost all states, large numbers of uninsured drivers take to the roads anyway. In New Jersey, the highest-cost state for auto insurance, about 12 percent of drivers are uninsured, contributing to higher rates for others.
Penalties for non-compliance for lacking health insurance would be harder to assess. The uninsured driver can be fined or have his license revoked. Most Americans would find it draconian, on the other hand, to refuse medical care altogether to the uninsured. Assessing financial penalties on the uninsured who have sought health care would be similarly counterproductive.
“Counterproductive” is an understatement. From yesterday’s Politico:
Under the Senate proposals, taxpayers would be required to obtain insurance by 2013 and report their coverage on federal tax returns. Those who do not purchase coverage would pay an excise tax, which could be as high as 75 percent of the premium for the lowest-cost health plan in the individual’s area. “This ‘individual mandate’ has been embraced by an array of stakeholders, but we do not know whether or not it enjoys broad appeal across partisan and sociodemographic groups,” three health policy and political experts wrote last month in Health Affairs, a leading health care journal.
Empowering the IRS to police the health insurance mandate will have predictable results with our bureaucratic overlords being able to assess thousands of dollars in penalties. Of course, they will never make a mistake. And the Congressional Budget Office has figured that millions will still refuse to get health insurance even if it is made affordable. This sets up a nightmare enforcement operation for the IRS where the more important job of going after income tax cheats will probably suffer - unless the agency is expanded considerably in order to handle the additional responsibilities.
The conservative alternative offered by Republicans would use the tax system as an incentive not the threat of having the IRS on your tail. Which plan has a better chance of succeeding in insuring most Americans? I think the GOP plan would work to bring more of the most resistant groups to health insurance into the game such as the poor and those who are single, young adults. There would be additional subsidies to low income folk and the basic coverage a healthy, young single adult would want to carry would almost be completely covered by the tax credit (Here in Illinois, a good major medical plan costs a single healthy adult around $300 a month). It is not too much of a stretch to imagine a better outcome with the Patients Choice Act.
Predictably, the left is looking at the plan as warmed over McCaincare, although Mathew Yglesias makes some good points on the differences:
— This plan seems to try to grapple with the problems involved in the individual insurance market, and in that sense is a big step forward from McCainCare, but it’s not clear that it successfully grapples with them.
— One clear step forward from McCainCare is that it broadens the scope of consideration and does various things in the prevention and wellness space.
— On the other hand, near the end they appear to be trying to gut Medicare and replace it with a more-expensive but less-generous system of subsidies to private insurance firms.
— Relatedly, very brief discussions of the VA health system and the health care system for Native Americans point toward privatization and subsidies of private firms.
Actually, the plan doesn’t “gut” Medicare but rather mostly expands existing programs:
Medicare includes an option for retirees to choose private coverage, called Medicare Advantage. Almost 11 million retirees have chosen such private coverage, close to 25% of all Medicare enrollees. The Republican plan would expand this option by allowing private insurers to competitively bid down the Medicare payments they would receive for providing the specified benefits. The insurers would also be able to modify benefits to provide more of what seniors are telling them they want, and then compete in the marketplace to sell those benefits to seniors. This same competitive bidding system has been in use for Medicare prescription drug benefits and is estimated to have reduced costs by 26%, with premiums charged to seniors 37% lower than originally expected. This private option would enable seniors to avoid the increasing threat of rationing under Medicare.
The bill also provides new performance for pay incentives for Medicare services. Physicians, hospitals, pharmacists, nurses, and others could form Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs) and receive bonuses for documented improvements in quality and patient satisfaction while lowering health care costs.
Overall, I’d give the plan a B+. I think the family subsidy is probably too low and it is probably overly optimistic that insurance companies will suddenly develop a soul and compete fairly on these exchanges to be set up by the states. They are going to have to be watched like a hawk to prevent price fixing and other ways they will try and game the system. And there is the probability that these uninsurable pools will not perform as advertised which may require additional funding. Critics of these ideas over the years have pointed out that the biggest failing of market based solutions to health insurance is that it won’t solve the problem of rising medical costs.
Yglesias points to this curious measure in the bill that appears to be targeted toward preventative care but does so in a strange way:
Government health programs should adhere to the Hippocratic Oath to “First, do no harm.” This means federal programs should not promote or support unhealthy behaviors and taxpayers should not be expected to support programs that do not show positive results. This act would require reviews of existing programs and the consolidation of overlapping programs and the elimination of ineffective programs. Additionally, “junk food” that does not meet nutrition standards would be prohibited for purchase under the federal Food Stamp Program.
Taking poor people’s potato chips away won’t change the fact that people who receive food stamps are still largely ignorant of what constitutes a proper diet despite efforts for 40 years to pass on nutrition information by the government. A better, more comprehensive effort there might be better than simply denying people a snack.
But overall, a good stab at addressing a very complex and thorny problem. And who knows” A few years of Obamacare and America might beg for a change to a system that will give them adequate care at an affordable price without having to deal with rationing or tax increases.