OF AX GRINDING AND SCORE SETTLING
The Heilemann-Halperin campaign tell-all book Game Change has had the political sphere tittling and twittering for the last 48 hours as everyone is leaning over their virtual backyard fence and whispering to their neighbor, “Didya hear what Harry Reid/Bill Clinton/John Edwards/Sarah Palin/Steve Schmidt said about so-and-so and such-and such?”
Impact on contemporary politics? Zero. Even Harry Reid’s ill advised comments about Obama’s “Negro dialect” appear to be blowing over thanks to the generosity of spirit (and political calculation) of such luminaries as Al Sharpton and the entire Congressional Black Caucus. Their forgiveness is touching. Too bad such virtuous behavior is reserved only for members of their own party.
But as the delightful revelations continue to drip from the new book, one might ask what everyone is getting so worked up about? Should we be shocked that Hillary thought Obama was cheating in the Caucuses? Are w surprised that politicians say stupid things in unguarded moments? Are we startled to hear that Steve Schmidt didn’t think much of Sarah Palin? Is it front page news that Palin was so ignorant of history that she had to be tutored like a freshman in high school?
But Palin’s problems stretched beyond the debate performance.
Heilemann and Halperin write that the campaign soon realized that Palin was woefully uninformed on basic issues of U.S. history and politics.
“Her foreign policy tutors are literally taking her through, ‘This is World War I, this is World War II, this is the Korean War,’” Heilemann told “60 Minutes.” “This is the — how the Cold War worked. Steve Schmidt had gone to them and said, ‘She knows nothing.’”
Palin’s spokesperson has said that reporting in the book is inaccurate.
Inaccurate? Has Palin ever sat down for the kind of wide ranging interview that would reveal the depth of her knowledge (or ignorance) about history, about policy, about basic things that we might expect a president to know? The Couric interview doesn’t count because Katie is almost as ignorant as Palin about such matters. One need only see the off air outtakes of Couric’s anchoring the primaries to see that when it comes to politics, Couric knows how to bake a terrific souffle.
Palin has not had a sit down with any serious magazines, nor has she exposed herself to the kind of free wheeling, give and take discussion you might find on Charlie Rose or some other expert interviewer’s show. Because of this, I tend to believe the accounts given by Schmidt and other staffers regarding how ignorant Palin is. She has done nothing to disabuse anyone of the notion that she is an intellectual lightweight and worse, an uninformed neophyte who is not ready - if she ever will be - for national politics.
But the Schmidt-Palin row begs the question; why would the former McCain campaign manager and other staffers want to savage Sarah Palin? Why would Edwards staffers want to paint their boss as a pantywaist, asexual, henpecked hick dominated by an evil harridan of a wife? Who benefits by telling tales out of school about Harry Reid, Bill Clinton, and others?
Why this book in the first place?
The campaign tell all is a relatively new phenomenon. It began during the 1960 presidential race when Time Magazine’s brilliant political writer Theodore H. White convinced the flinty-eyed Henry Luce that he was just the guy to follow the candidates around and gather all the gossipy tidbits that reporters following the campaigns would hear but could never write about because journalistic standards being what they were at the time, rumors and unattributed stories were rarely printed. Staffers would never dream of going on the record to relate some juicy bit of gossip about the candidate or the campaign which meant that these little bon mots were lost to history.
White had followed Stevenson and Eisenhower in 1956 so he was well aware of this hidden treasure trove of titillating trifles. Besides, White argued, chances were good there would be great drama involved because he had a hunch that Kennedy - a handsome, dynamic Catholic with a gorgeous wife - had the inside track to the nomination.
Luce was dubious. Conventional wisdom at the time had the Democrats nominating Adlai Stevenson again. Besides, Kennedy had yet to impress anyone as anything except a playboy brat, the son of a very wealthy and influential man. And the publisher was reluctant to allow his best political reporter the kind of freedom that such a book project would entail.
In the end, Luce gave in and the rest is history - and oh what history it turned out to be. Making of a President, 1960 is not only still a great read, but represented a brand new genre; the political campaign as American morality play. The finely drawn characters in Making of a President were unforgettable due to White’s keen eye, perk ear, and the two decades he had spent writing about politics and issues for leading publications. Heroes, villains, comic relief - it was all there, told in a colorful narrative style that White became famous for.
It also helped that White had an abiding affection for politics and politicians. Even rogues were portrayed with a kind of entertaining sympathy. He liked Nixon, although he was troubled by some of the men around him. He adored Kennedy - as only someone who attended Harvard as a poor kid could admire and wish to be like the rich boys who looked down their noses at the Teddy Whites at the school.
White wrote about how he felt in his autobiographical In Search of History where he unknowingly revealed this love-hate relationship with rich guys like Kennedy; wanting to get close to them while faulting them for their “To the Manor born” wealth. His sympathetic portrayal of the Massachusetts senator in Making of a President was standard for the press of the day anyway so it was barely noted.
By 1964, several authors tried to catch the same lightening in a bottle that White was able to capture and a cottage industry in the campaign chronicle genre was born. Over the years, reporters have dominated as authors although the occasional novelist has tried their hand at it.
The revelations contained in the books seem to be getting more vicious as staffers large and small realize that getting their complaints and perceptions on the record is one way to deflect professional criticism of their performance. In an industry where you are only as hot as your last success, shifting blame to the shoulders of others for losing is a career strategy. Besides, there is little doubt that it feels very satisfying to get back at someone who treated you as a subhuman while you were working your tail off 16 hours a day for them.
So how much in Game Changer is true? Probably everything. Maybe nothing. What matters is the perception imparted by the principles of what went on, who screwed up and why, and how the information fulfills the goals of those dishing the dirt.
For the political junkie, we mainline this stuff. But for the rest of America, it has the impact of a leaf dropping in a forest on a fall day. I wish I could say it doesn’t matter to me, but I find the gossip compelling. Humanizing the great among us is quite democratizing and besides, if nothing else, books like Game Change give everyone something to write and talk about for a few days.